Oxford: Oxford University Press, David C. ISBN New York: Basic Books, Indeed, a vast number of original approaches and fascinating studies have enormously extended former borders of research and knowledge alike. They allow for deeper insights into entangled histories of Cold War, global and regional economic, technological, and social dynamics; development discourses and politics; religious and national movements; decolonization and cultural processes; ecological and emotional crises, and more.
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One could shed more light on endeavors of international governmental and nongovernmental organizations and groups like the United Nations or transnational peace movements to reduce, correct, or overcome Cold War tensions. He writes that the Soviet missiles were intended to defend Cuba, but then calls Foreign Minister Andrei Gromyko a liar for saying that they were defensive. He omits the terrifying fact, revealed only after the Cold War, that — unknown to the US military — there were also short-range nuclear weapons targeted on the beaches where American troops might have landed.
And his statement that "Khrushchev lost the most" can be challenged. Forcing President John F. Vietnam was the only place, as Westad says, where nationalism immediately took a communist form; American failure to grasp the implications of that meant that the war was "folly from the beginning". In Angola, Washington again confused radical nationalism with Soviet communism and backed the losing side.
Latin America saw the same mistakes, but US clients usually won; by , 15 out of 21 major Latin American states were led by military dictators. Westad's verdict that the CIA "did not directly participate" in the ghastly Pinochet coup in Chile in seems rather evasive: Surely there's much more to be said about American involvement. But he concludes that "as so often in the Cold War, the logic of the conflict defeated both self-interest [of the US] and common human decency". The Associated Press. It's interesting that Westad contributes to the rehabilitation of former President Richard Nixon — in foreign policy, at least.
He writes that "Nixon did not trust the American people, and especially its youth, to be willing to pay the price that superpower status implied". Richard Nixon who had made it all possible. Nixon had forced US foreign policy onto a track where, for the first time during the Cold War, it dealt with others on the assumption that US global hegemony would not last forever.
Panic spread through Washington, as President Jimmy Carter swallowed Zbigniew Brzezinski's assertion that an "arc of crisis" threatened the Horn of Africa and the oil of the Persian Gulf. Carter, losing his usual calm, said that this was "the most serious threat to the peace since the Second World War". Sanctions were clapped on the Soviet Union.
Jamil Hasanli | Wilson Center
Military aid was sent to the anti-Soviet mujahedeen in Afghanistan and to the Contras in Nicaragua. Most Americans were simply not willing to tolerate that the United States could have an equal in international affairs, in the s or ever. From on the "little Cold War" brought fresh confrontations, as the Soviet Union and NATO stationed new medium-range missiles in Europe and Eastern European dissidents argued over priorities with Western nuclear disarmers.
But in Mikhail Gorbachev took power in Moscow, and within a few years he and President Ronald Reagan had melted the mutual fear of the Cold War down to the beginnings of a sometimes frosty partnership. Did anyone win the Cold War?
Westad accepts that America won. To a European, it looked more as if one of the great duellists had thrown his weapon down in the snow, gone home and died. There followed what has been called "the new world disorder". Far from inheriting the earth, the United States found that it was losing control even of the large part of the world that it had dominated during the Cold War.
Stalin and the Turkish Crisis of the Cold War, 1945-1953
Attitudes that should have changed did not. Many chances were missed. There was no Western response to Gorbachev's vision of a "common European home" and a world united to abolish poverty. In consequence Russia, which might have been brought into a partnership with the West, was edged into paranoid hostility. Was the Cuban missile crisis the most dangerous moment? Maybe not. Westad thinks that an equally perilous episode came in East-West relations were already inflamed after the Soviets shot down a Korean airliner, and when the NATO "Able Archer 83" exercise, simulating nuclear "conflict escalation", suddenly ceased to look like a simulation.
At other times, migrating birds were briefly identified as incoming missiles. For us in the West, the Cold War can seem in retrospect the best method ever found to prevent hot war. But we were lucky to survive. Millions in postcolonial countries dragged into that struggle didn't share our luck. Published by Basic Books. Skip to navigation Skip to content Skip to footer Help using this website - Accessibility statement. Neal Ascherson. Heretical opinion But was that ever true? The former consultant who launched the 'Airbnb of yachts'.
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Stalin and the Turkish Crisis of the Cold War, 1945-1953
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She reveals how these communist parties gained control over the security apparatus after in East Central Europe from a transitional justice Solidarity:The Great Workers Strike of tells the story of this pivotal period in Poland's history from the perspective of those who lived it. Through unique personal interviews with the individuals who helped breathe life into the Solidarity movement, Michael Szporer brings home the momentous impact these events had on the people involved Toggle navigation.
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